Abortion in malaysia essay

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In summary, some of the differences in the findings of the various studies might result from a lack of comparability of the data, stemming from one or more of the factors mentioned above. The many limitations of the studies available for presentation here must be borne in mind when the results are interpreted. The 32 published studies including three for which we were able to retrieve actual data tapes and undertake original analyses differed somewhat in how they grouped women's reasons for having an abortion, and exactly comparable categories were not always available.

However, since some reasons were similarly worded across studies, we used our judgment to create nine broad, comparable categories of women's reasons for their abortion. Specific reasons that were distributed over nonoverlapping categories must necessarily be interpreted in light of all of the categories used by a particular study. Despite these women's desire to postpone or stop childbearing, a substantial proportion are not using any method of family planning in many developing countries, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

There are many reasons why women who want to avoid pregnancy do not use contraceptives, including ambivalence about pregnancy, lack of knowledge about contraception, their own or their partner's opposition to family planning, poor access to contraceptive services, fear of side effects and the woman's perception that she cannot become pregnant.

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Moreover, some of the methods used by married women who want to avoid pregnancy have high failure rates. The reasons why women opt for less effective methods may include a lack of knowledge about modern methods, religious values that proscribe modern contraceptive use, concern about side effects, partners' objections and difficulty in paying for or obtaining a modern method. Contraceptive use does not necessarily provide complete protection against pregnancy; each method can fail, even when it is used perfectly. In many of these countries, contraceptive prevalence is very low among young never-married women, even though many of them do not want to become pregnant.

Table 2 presents percentage distributions of 26 samples of women from 23 countries according to their most important reason for seeking abortion.

This measure combined responses both to questions that asked women to give their most important reason and to questions that simply asked why they had had an abortion. For many women, more than one factor undoubtedly contributed to their decision. In such situations, it may be difficult to identify a single factor as the most important one. Even if a woman identifies one overriding reason, pertinent information would still be lost, because the whole range of reasons guiding the decision would not be measured.

Thus, using questions that allow women to give multiple reasons adds another dimension to understanding the factors that underlie the abortion decision. In Table 3 , we present results from seven studies from four developing countries, all in Asia, and three developed countries that allowed women to give multiple reasons for why they sought an abortion. The desire to postpone a birth or to stop childbearing is a very common reason given by women seeking abortion. In addition, in three South Asian countries Bangladesh, India and Pakistan , one-half to two-thirds of those giving multiple reasons cited postponing or stopping childbearing, and in the Philippines, roughly one-third did so Table 3.

Often, this reason stems from other factors in a woman's life that make the timing of the pregnancy undesirable; it thus may reflect a wide range of issues that are detailed under the categories in Table 3. For example, women may need to postpone childbearing because of their or their children's health, or in societies where young unmarried mothers are commonly ostracized for having a child or where early childbearing disrupts education, women may particularly want to postpone the first birth.

Moreover, poverty, unemployment and inability to afford to educate any additional children may be behind reasons for restricting family size. In about half of the countries for which the postponing and limiting reasons could be separated, the proportion of those who cited a desire to limit births as their main reason was higher than that of women who considered postponing to be most important.

Where the reasons could not be separated i.

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For example, if a woman's main reason for having an abortion is that she does not want the pregnancy, this may mean that she does not want it at all or that the timing is bad. Additional probing is needed to clarify and thus separate such responses. Economic reasons or women saying that they could not afford to properly care for a child come second overall in importance. The importance of women's economic situation as the main reason for their seeking an abortion was evident in developed as well as developing countries. Combining the data on the impact of a birth on a woman's education and on her financial situation yields a broader, more inclusive category of socioeconomic reasons.

Relationship problems, including the partner's objection to carrying the pregnancy to term, are moderately important in explaining why women have abortions.

Underlying this general reason are such specific ones as that the partner threatened to abandon the woman if she gives birth, that the partner or the woman herself refuses to marry to legitimate the birth, that a break-up is imminent for reasons other than the pregnancy, that the pregnancy resulted from an extramarital relationship, that the husband or partner mistreated the woman because of her pregnancy, or that the husband or partner simply does not want the child.

Sometimes women combined these reasons with not being able to afford a baby, suggesting the importance of having a partner who can offer both emotional and financial support. Being too young or fearing that parents or others would object to the pregnancy is a fairly common reason for having an abortion.

This reason was an especially common primary reason in Honduras and Mexico, where it was cited by about one-third of women. This factor is apparently less important in Latin America and in the developed countries included here.

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The category of maternal health risk may include risks to either physical or mental health; another area of uncertainty is whether the potential health problem has been identified by a doctor or by only the woman herself. Because a threat to maternal health is often an exception to the law in countries where abortion is illegal, many women may cite this reason because it is socially acceptable and provides a legal or moral justification for abortion. Nevertheless, pregnancy probably poses a real threat to many of these women, because at least a small proportion in almost every country cite it as their overriding reason, regardless of the legal status of abortion.

Women rarely report that fetal defects or potential problems for the baby motivated their decision to have an abortion. This probably stems from one or more factors, including the low actual incidence of birth defects, the fact that most women obtain abortions before such defects could be known, and fetal defects are generally not detected in developing countries where advanced testing and modern medical care are not widely available. Furthermore, in many surveys, this reason may not have had its own separate category, but may have been grouped into an "other" catch-all category.

Finally, the reason may have been omitted altogether in some studies. In all four of these Asian and South Asian countries, sex selection is believed to play a role in abortion, and in such instances, some women may report that "fetal defect" was the main reason for their abortion. Almost all studies have a residual category of "other reasons.

In most studies conducted with women who have abortions, the factors that fell into the "other" category were usually unspecified, especially since the studies mostly gave little attention to why women seek abortion in general. Even though some studies e. However, some of the more sensitive reasons for abortion that are likely to be categorized as "other" include rape or incest which are rarely mentioned , sex selection and pressure exerted by others to have the abortion.

The limited quantitative and qualitative evidence available for Sub-Saharan Africa suggests that the most important reasons why women have abortions in this region relate to socioeconomic factors—specifically, that women perceive pregnancy as disrupting education and employment. This finding agrees with the general perception that the majority of Sub-Saharan African women who obtain abortions are young and unmarried.

The pronatalist values prevalent in the region suggest that the majority of women who cite this cluster of reasons are probably seeking an abortion to delay rather than stop childbearing. Relationship problems are another important reason why women have abortions in this region. While the desire to continue schooling or working is the most important motivation for abortion among young unmarried women in Sub-Saharan Africa, marital problems appear to be a motivation for abortion among married women in the region.

The most commonly reported primary reason for abortion in the Asian countries studied was the desire to postpone or stop childbearing. Of the two components of this reason—delaying vs. This finding is consistent with the widespread preference for smaller families in most Asian countries and with the fact that most abortions in the region are to married women. All of the other reasons tended to play smaller roles in the decision.

Although only a minority reported fetal defect and "other" factors as their most important reason, these two categories were nevertheless more commonly reported in Asia than in other regions. Sex selection may be a factor. Based on limited data for the four Latin American countries listed in Table 2 , three categories of reasons compete for the position of primary importance: socioeconomic reasons combining not being able to afford a baby and disruption to education and work , relationship problems and reasons related to being young.

The first two categories of reasons are probably linked to the high prevalence of consensual unions in Latin America. Such unions have higher dissolution rates than legal marriages, and usually imply less commitment by the cohabiting partners. In deciding whether to carry an unintended pregnancy to term, women in consensual unions are likely to weigh whether they could support the child on their own should the union be dissolved or their partner be unable or refuse to provide support. In the six developed countries for which information is available, two clusters of reasons appear to be important.


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In the Czech Republic and Romania, postponing and limiting childbearing is by far the most important reason women gave for why they had had an abortion. However, the richer information obtained from questions on multiple reasons in Australia, the Netherlands and the United States indicates some aspects of the motivation behind "to delay or stop:" For about two-thirds of Australian women, the reason behind postponing or limiting childbearing was not being able to afford a child Table 3.

Relationship problems and the objections of a husband or partner are also somewhat important in the five developed countries represented here. How closely are a woman's reasons for abortion related to her socioeconomic and demographic characteristics? We address this question by examining how the reasons vary by three characteristics—the woman's age, marital status and level of education—in 10 countries.

For two of these countries, Australia and the Philippines, the data are based on the number of responses to an item that allowed women to specify multiple reasons. A woman's age is only moderately associated with why she seeks an abortion Table 4.

Essay abortion should illegal

In four of the five countries for which data are available on postponing childbirth as a reason for abortion, women younger than age 25 were more likely than those aged 25 and older to say the reason for their abortion was to postpone childbearing. On the other hand, in all countries except Romania—for which postponing childbirth and limiting births could not be separated as reasons—older women were more likely than younger women to say their abortion was motivated by a desire to stop childbearing. However, in three of the eight countries, younger women were more likely than older women to mention socioeconomic factors as their reason Turkey, the United States and Zambia ; the reverse was true in just one country the Czech Republic , and there was virtually no difference by age in the remaining four Australia, Colombia, Finland and Romania.

As expected, in all five countries in which the "too young" reason was studied, younger women were more likely than older women to note that they were too young or feared their parents' objection. Marital status makes no difference in the likelihood of citing a desire to postpone childbearing as the main reason for having an abortion. We will then contact you to clarify the details so that nothing prevents our writer from completing your order within a short timeframe. I am ready to pay someone to do my homework. After discovering our site, you will no longer need to bother your friends with such requests.

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